Episode 343 | Recorded: June 28, 2024
So the ACPR Ad Hoc report on June 12 is out. On that day, the Pashinyan regime clearly showed that they’re ready and willing to use disproportionate force to suppress protesters. Up to a hundred people sought medical attention after the police lobbed dozens of stun grenades at the protesters, many of them were severely injured.
Among the injured were several journalists, including Abraham Gasparyan from ABC Media. RSF (Reporters Without Borders) criticized the Armenian police for “deliberately” targeting journalists.
NOTE: It’s important to highlight that the stun grenades that were used are reported to produce noise greater than 170dB, which can instantly cause permanent hearing damage.
Rafael, you were there on the scene that day, monitoring the protests.
Questions:
Your report shows that some police officers were trying to maintain order, while others were agitating and fighting with protesters.
Then you also describe how, when the first stun grenades were employed, the situation was tense but not violent and it seems that the police initiated the violence.
Questions:
A PACE report on Armenia’s honoring of its obligations and commitments was just released.
The report begins with: “The Parliamentary Assembly commends Armenia for its continuous commitment to democratic development in spite of the considerable security challenges it is facing”
In an interview, Kimmo Kiljunen, one of the co-rapporteurs said that they’re assessing Armenia’s commitments to the EU “positively”, but said that there were a few “internal hiccups”.
Meanwhile, the other co-rapporteur, Boriana Åberg, in her own interview, said that despite the war, the refugees from Artsakh, and challenges around the “peace agreement”, Armenia has been able to reform the electoral system as well as increase the independence of its judiciary. The only concern she could name was that the political climate is polarized, appearing to also lecture the opposition for being too radical.
Questions:
Shameful paragraph 4: “The Assembly expresses its relief that clashes (in Sep 2023) with the police forces during these events brought no casualties, in sharp contrast with the 10 deaths that had occurred in March 2008”
Questions:
In 2023 the Freedom House Armenia report wrote: “The judiciary lacks independence and is one of the least trusted public institutions in the country.”
The PACE report starts with: [paragraph] “15. The Assembly commends the reforms aimed at safeguarding the independence of the judiciary and notes with satisfaction the openness of the Armenian authorities to a genuine dialogue with the Council of Europe and their continued effort to improve the system of judicial governance in line with European standards”
But it also mentions that there’s “widespread perception” that the disciplinary procedures against judges are being abused.
The PACE report goes on to recommend that:
Questions:
The PACE report starts with: [paragraph] “101. Respect for the right to protest and response of law enforcement to protests have caused concerns.”
The report then discusses Article 136 of the Armenian Criminal Code, which criminalizes “incentivized participation” in rallies, and which is against the spirit of European guidelines on Peaceful Assembly.
Interestingly the PACE report refers to Avetik Chalabyan’s case in paragraphs 103 and 104. Chalabyan himself noted this reference, adding that the Armenian Criminal Code was modified to add the unconstitutional Article 136, and added his voice to the ACPR and the Helsinki Committee of Armenia, urging authorities to get a second opinion from the Venice Commission.
Questions:
Armenia, due to social cohesion, is relatively crime-free. However, Armenia has the #2 highest rate of pretrial detentions (53%) in Council of Europe, which is one of the tools that Pashinyan punishes political opponents.
In other words, more people are in prison in pre-trial detention than those serving actual jail time as part of a criminal verdict.
Top pre-trial detention countries:
Data:
When we say political persecution, we keep thinking about the standard cases of political imprisonment.
Questions:
One of Pashinyan’s most prominent political opponents.
Charged in 2022 with abuse of official position and money laundering while holding the position of the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of YSMU named after Mkhitar Heratsi, as well as the Minister of Education and Science. Alleged to have “pushed” Rector Narimanyan to buy apartments from the “Tsovasar” hotel complex belonging to Ishkhan Saghatelyan’s family on behalf of the university. Initially released on bail with signature not to leave the country.
In June 15, 2023, re-arrested for violating the terms of his bail by allegedly attempting to “influence the investigation” by offering the services of his lawyers to the witnesses. Ashotyan’s attorney Tigran Atanesyan denies attempts to influence the preliminary investigation and reports that the apartments purchased on behalf of the medical university are still on the university’s balance sheet, and their market value has even increased, which excludes money laundering and other accusations.
None of the intermediaries accused of taking part in this crime are under arrest, only Ashotyan is, highlighting the political nature of this case. Conditions of his detention (strict restriction of contacts/visitation) also indicative of political motivations (compare with fmr. Minister of Economy Vahan Kerobyan suspected of corruption, but received a house arrest).
Detention: June 15, 2023 - Present (~12+ months so far)
Avetik Chalabyan has been a prominent opposition politician, and has been a scathing critic of Pashinyan, as well as his proposed constitutional rewrite, education reforms and more. In 2022 he was charged with “motivating students materially” to participate in opposition rallies. In 2023 he co-founded the Hayaqve legislative initiative. Ultimately a guilty verdict was issued in Dec. 2023, banning Chalabyan from organizing & participating in assemblies for 2.5 years.
Freedom of assembly, as well as other human rights, are constitutional rights that can only be restricted when the following three norms are simultaneously satisfied:
Detentions: May 14, 2022 - July 27, 2022, July 31, 2022 - August 31, 2022 , Released on AMD 15M bail (~4 months total)
Status: Currently under appeal.
Details: Joint Report by Helsinki Committee of Armenia and Armenian Center for Political Rights
Questions:
That’s our Spotlight on Silence, we hope you found it helpful. We invite your feedback and your suggestions, you can find us on most social media and podcast platforms.
Thanks to Laura Osborn for the music on our podcasts.
Rafael Ishkhanyan is a lawyer specializing in human rights, particularly freedom of assembly and expression. He coordinates the monitoring of peaceful assemblies at the Helsinki Committee of Armenia and is a member of the ODIHR Panel of Experts on Freedom of Assembly and Association. In 2023, together with colleagues, he co founded the Armenian Center for Political Rights, a watchdog organization focusing on detecting, responding to, and preventing political persecution and safeguarding political rights.
Hovik Manucharyan is an information security engineer who moved from Seattle to Armenia in 2022. He co-founded the ANN/Groong podcast in 2020 and has been a contributor to Groong News since the late 1990s.
Disclaimer: The views expressed by Hovik Manucharyan on the ANN/Groong podcast are his own and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of his employer or any other organization.
Asbed is founder of the Armenian News Network Groong and co-founder of the ANN/Groong podcast.